
to see evidence that my ideas and concerns were of interest to those who represent me, and that they in turn would be accountable individually to me and other voters. I'd want to know that my career path could rocket upward if I worked harder and smarter, or if I took initiative and offered good ideas, and that telling the boss ìNo!î when it's warranted wouldn't impede my career. I'd want a reasonable expectation that maybe one day I could have one of those Snagov-style villas that are popping up everywhere now ñ but I'd be proud only if it were on the basis of honestly gotten gains. I'd want to see resolved a few of the corruption cases that seem to dangle forever in the press ñ that in turn would make me more confident of my country's future, and of my reasons to stay in Romania. I'd want to know that I could pick up and read the newspaper each day without having to figure out who might have paid to slant the article a certain way. And I'd want the next generation, from early ages, to have a stronger civic education so that they could grow up understanding the tenets of democracy and market economics and corporate responsibility. None of these expectations are unreasonable in a country that lays claim to democracy and what we often call Western values. And none should be alien to those who represent the social democratic tradition.
Almost a decade and a half on from the Revolution, would you agree that Ceausescu's influence still pervades Romanian politics and society, and to what extent?
It's really no surprise that Ceausescu's influence would still be around. Ceausescu and those around him destroyed Romania's economy, political class, and civic society. They created a system that destroyed real political debate, and made it all but impossible for regular people to have their voices heard. That system also eroded volunteerism and initiative, hard work, results-oriented management, leadership and, of course, government accountability ñ all of which are fundamental to the workings of Western societies. It even eroded basic trust through an extensive Securitate network ñ an important reason that those Securitate files need to be opened more rapidly. Transitions are immensely difficult, and this one is far from finished. All of the issues I've mentioned have to be dealt with if this country is to rise above its past.
So just how debilitating was communism to Romania?
Terribly so. But you know, too many people still use Ceausescu and communism as an excuse for what isn't done. I think most of us understand why Romania was so screwed up in 1989, but Ceausescu can't be used as an excuse for decisions that have or haven't been taken since then.
You have been outspoken against Romania's corruption. To what extent has your voice been heeded by politicians here?
Well, some have heeded it enough to get irritated every time I respond to questions on corruption. And since I am often asked about it, they get irritated a lot.
Most folks who talk about corruption tend to blame the government, and governments are, of course, responsible for stepping up to the issues that affect their citizens. But my disappointment is instead with the lack of any sense of real moral outrage on this issue. Stories of insider contracts and privatisations, questionable restitution delays, and possibly illicit land transfers seem to hit the press for a day or two, and then get shrugged off with an asta este, or some other mioritic expression of fate. At least the issue is now being addressed and debated openly, and young people ñ this country's future leaders ñ have taken note. You know, on a recent and fairly rare venture into Bucharest's club scene, I looked at the trendy crowd and felt for a moment that I could have been in Manhattan or South Beach. Then a series of young people brought me back to reality, stopping one-by-one at the table to thank me for speaking for them on an issue that affects their future aspirations. I felt sad for them, for feeling that an outsider like me best represented their concerns and hopes for the future. But that experience and others like it make me realise that those who think they're getting away with corruption are just fooling themselves. A new generation is coming, and it will demand and, indeed, create change.
You have also been critical of the absence of an independent media, a lack of which has been heightened by physical assaults against journalists who write anti-government articles. How close is Romania to allowing freedom of speech?
Media freedom and responsibility are two sides of the same coin. Romania doesn't score well on either account. The media here is complicated. It's not hard to figure out why there is something like 400 newspapers in this country: most can't make a decent living, but instead serve as outlets for business or political influence. Fair and balanced coverage of the issues is accordingly in short supply. The violence you mention, as well as the threats against journalists by men in politics and business, indicate a climate in which disagreement with those who hold political power or economic prominence isn't tolerated. That's yet another manifestation of a totalitarian mentality that essentially has been held over from communist days.
What more needs to be done to achieve progress on this very basic democratic pillar?
On media responsibility, Romania's journalists should see it as in their own interests to form a self-policing media association that can chastise or even seek fines on media outlets that publish clearly slanted information, with no apparent effort to check facts. That would give journalists more credibility, and would in turn help insulate them from threats and attacks. Romania also desperately needs clear and effective libel laws, and a speedier judicial system that's less open to under-the-table influence.
As to media freedom, it's up to the government to create a climate in which it's clear that assaults against journalists will be investigated promptly and prosecuted to the full extent of the law, no matter what business or political interests are at play. Issuing a few sanctions and dismissing a few folks even now would be welcomed widely as a sign of seriousness in this regard.
What advice do you have for the incoming U.S. ambassador?
I'll tell him not to believe everything he reads or is told in this town. I'll give him my insights regarding whose hands are dirty, whose information is reliable, and who can be counted on to keep their word. I'll offer thoughts on Romania's investment potential, but I'll also draw to his attention the advice we've offered on attracting investment that simply hasn't been heeded: he'll find it just as frustrating as I have to attract investors in the absence of clear, consistent and determined action against the impediments to investment. I'll suggest that he get out and talk to ìreal people,î as I've tried to do, to understand a different perspective. Maybe I'll suggest that he try the tuica but pass on slanina. And I'll advise him never to assume that a commitment made, or a law passed, means what it might first appear to mean. Never pop the champagne cork too early in this country.
Do you think the Romania you leave is a better country than when you arrived?
Absolutely. There's been a clear upward trend on so many issues that affect bilateral relations and, indeed, Romania's development. Romanians understand better than expats why some changes are so slow to occur. But expats are here only for a moment, and sometimes that helps us see with greater clarity the changes that do occur. The economy is improving in some, but not all, areas: the trick now is to attract more ìgreenfieldî investors to needy parts of the country. Inflation is coming down steadily, thanks to the partnership between the government and the central bank. Defence Minister Pascu has done a superb job in shaping and refocusing Romania's defence forces. Issues like corruption are discussed openly rather than being swept under the carpet. A few civil society organisations are notably stronger and more effective. Roads are being paved in every area I've travelled. Dracula Park still hasn't been built ñ something for which I'm personally glad. Nato offers Romania a better sense of security than it's had in hundreds of years. There's a better selection of restaurants and hotels and shops. More and more, there are encouraging signs of the beginnings of a real middle class.
There's no doubt in my mind that Romania is on a forward path, and I know just as well that I'll come back to Romania some day. When I do, I'll slip in unannounced to visit friends and favourite places, and to see what further changes have occurred. Until then, I'll watch from afar, silently hoping that Romanians will have the future they deserve. This country has worked its way into the deepest part of my heart, and I wish for it and its people only the best.
Vivid: Imagine that you are Romanian, but with the perspective you have. What kind of changes would you like to see occur in your country over the next ten years?
You know, the perspective I have on this country comes more from being an American than from being Ambassador. Americans tend to expect fair play in decisions - whether about university grades or job promotions or contracts that are awarded. We expect our law enforcement and judicial systems to work, and that those who defraud society will be prosecuted and go to jail. We want our voice to be heard, and we bang the pots and pans all the more loudly if anyone tries to ignore that democratic right. We understand that no one holds a monopoly on wisdom, and we believe no one should hold a monopoly on power either. In many ways we are idealistic, but overall we're fairly practical as a people. The solutions we find are often the most logical - you know, the shortest distance between two points.
Vivid Interview archive
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SIWICKI AND FLORIN ANDRONESCU
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September 2004